Universals of nasalization: development of nasal finals in Wenling
从温岭鼻韵尾的发展谈鼻音化的普遍规律
Susan Hess 贺苏安

Abstract 摘要
This paper provides an in-depth look at the development of nasal finals in one Wu diapoint, Wenling. The Wenling data are compared with hypotheses presented by Chen (1975) and with those in work on phonetic universals of nasalization. Chen’s work on Chinese dialects suggested: 1) nasalization tends to spread from low to high vowels, 2) nasalization proceeds from anterior [-m, -n] to posterior [-] nasal endings, 3) nasalization caused finals from the XIAN and SHAN rime groups to raise in Wu dialects, 4) nasalized vowels have a certain lifespan, and that otherwise, denasalization proceeds from high vowels to low vowels. An internally motivated analysis of Wenling does not support the type of development offered by Chen’s hypotheses. Here it is argued that nasalization affects low and low mid vowels in one unitary process, rather than in stages as a function of vowel height and nasal place of articulation. Raising of vowel height in Wenling is shown not to be a result of nasalization, but a function of general vowel raising processes. Denasalization in this dialect can most plausibly be stated as depending on the front/back parameter rather than on the life-span of nasalized vowels. In addition, phonetic evidence is offered for the preferential nasalization of low and mid vowels and shift of nasal place of articulation.

本文用吴方言温岭话鼻韵尾演变的材料来讨论陈渊泉（1975）所提出的有关鼻音化普遍规律的假设。陈提出有关假设如下：一，鼻音化是自低元音至高元音进行的；二，鼻音化是自前鼻音韵尾（-m, -n）至后鼻音韵尾（ -）进行的；三，鼻化使咸、山两摄的元音上移；四，鼻音化元音有一定的存在的时间，要不然，鼻化的消失会自高元音至低元音进行。我们的分析显示温岭话的发展并不按照陈氏的假设进行。低和半低元音似乎同时变成鼻化音，而没有经过连续的阶段照元音的高低或鼻音韵尾的部位而鼻化。元音的上移不是来自鼻音化而是由于温岭一般元音的高化。鼻化消失是按照元音前后，但和其存在的时间无关。另外，本文用对语音普遍规律的研究来解释低和半低元音鼻化的优先性。以及鼻音发音部位的转移。

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